Recently, the Russian foreign ministry’s Africa Department head announced that the next Russia-Africa Summit will be held on the African continent for the first time. This decision is one in a long line of successful moves by Putin to grow the influence of the Kremlin in Africa. These decisions have led to Russia’s increasingly large footprint in Africa, which is noticeable in both public opinion and Russia’s growing military presence in several African nations. While Russia uses various hard and soft power factors to expand its influence in Africa, this article will focus on how Russian leaders use anti-colonial rhetoric to tap into Pan-Africanism and garner the support of governments in Africa at the expense of Western powers.

Defining Pan-Africanism

Pan-Africanism began as an intellectual movement mostly among members of the African diaspora in America and Europe in the late 19th century. With the wave of African nations gaining independence in the 1950s, Pan-Africanism became a practical political program guiding these new nations. At its most basic level, Pan-Africanism is the idea that all African people, living in Africa or outside of it, share a collective political interest. Because Pan-Africanism developed as an ideology largely in the context of an Africa colonized by European powers, the cause of decolonization was central to Pan-Africanists. Decolonization still remains an important part of the Pan-African political program today, as many African leaders view modern Western influence in Africa as “neocolonialism.” Russia’s use of anti-colonial rhetoric appeals to the Pan-African sensibilities of many African leaders, which has helped the Kremlin gain the upper hand in its battle for influence in Africa with Western powers.

Soviet History of Anti-Colonialism

Russian anti-colonial rhetoric as a means of garnering influence in Africa goes back to the Soviet Union. The USSR was ideologically opposed to colonialism, as the Soviets deemed it to be an extension of capitalism. This meant that Soviet leaders often appealed to former or current colonies in Africa or elsewhere by condemning western colonialism through a Marxist framework. The Soviet Union also materially supported numerous African nations in their efforts to achieve independence and supported many of the regimes in those nations immediately after. This support was vital to the African struggle for independence and was done in opposition to Western powers, which positioned Russia as an anti-colonial power in the minds of many Africans. The Soviet Union also gave extensive support to many African countries throughout the mid to late twentieth century in the form of technical-economic assistance. However, after the dissolution of the Soviet Union, its activities in Africa, including aid, were abruptly halted, leading to Russia's reputation being tarnished with many African countries. Putin, in trying to improve Russia’s reputation in Africa, has, among other things, implemented lots of anti-colonial rhetoric in the way he talks about Africa. However, instead of using Communism as an anti-colonial rhetorical tool, Putin uses Russia’s perceived anti-colonial history in Africa.

The Kremlin and Anti-Colonialism

Russian leaders will often reference the Soviet Union’s support of African independence movements and Russia’s lack of a colonial history in Africa as a rhetorical tool to legitimize modern Russo-African relations. Putin himself often argues that the United States is engaged in neocolonialism and that Russia opposes modern imperialism. The sentiment that, unlike countries in Western Europe, Russia has been historically anti-colonial is widely disseminated in Africa, especially through social media. Social media posts praising Russia as an anti-colonial power, while condemning the West as colonial, often go viral in Africa. Many of these posts, which use anti-colonial messaging, are produced directly by Russian assets and are part of election-influencing schemes. Russia is using both overt and covert messaging to promote the idea that, unlike the West, Russia is an anti-colonial power, and its supposed status as an anti-colonial country is used to rally support for the Kremlin in Africa. Along with Russian leaders, many African leaders have voiced that Russia is anti-colonial, including the president of Burkina Faso, Ibrahim Traore, whose country is now firmly aligned with Russia.

Ibrahim Traore spoke at the second Russia-Africa summit on the topic of Russia’s role in Africa’s fight against neocolonialism. Traore scorned the West for neocolonialism while praising Russia’s support of African sovereignty, even comparing the history of Russia and Africa by saying that they were both “forgotten peoples of the world.” Russia is finding common ground with many African leaders like Traore in their shared status of perceiving themselves as outsiders in the Western-dominated world order. The Kremlin does this by arguing that both Russia and Africa are together in a struggle against western colonialism. Many African leaders who are friendly to Russia and suspicious of the West will be attending the upcoming Russia-Africa summit, meaning it is likely that anti-colonial rhetoric will have a large presence at the conference.

Conclusion

By aligning themselves with Africa in the fight against colonialism, Russia is effectively tapping into Pan-Africanism in an attempt to increase its influence in the region. As the third Russia-Africa summit quickly approaches, Western leaders should try to understand how and why Russia has been so successful at turning its image around in Africa. One aspect of this problem that cannot be ignored is Russia’s use of anti-colonial rhetoric as a means of appealing to African nations. It is likely that, at the third Russia-Africa summit, we will hear a volley of attacks launched by Putin and other Russian officials at the West for its colonial past and a positive response from Africans to this messaging. The United States will need to create a coherent rebuttal against Russia’s anti-colonial message if it hopes to maintain friends in Africa.

Michael Howard is a sophomore at the University of Michigan, pursuing a degree in public policy from the Gerald R. Ford School of Public Policy. His research interests include Russian foreign policy and counter-terrorism.