By Saad Al Halabi

Introduction:

Human history has witnessed a complex intertwinement between religion and politics, where this connection has taken various forms and methodologies depending on historical and geographical contexts. Ruling authorities have often employed religion as a tool to control societies and reinforce political legitimacy, using methods that lack democratic characteristics and rely on religious rhetoric rooted in fear and divine punishment. However, this pattern of control underwent significant transformations at the dawn of the third millennium, particularly in light of intellectual revolutions and the rise of awareness.

With the onset of the 2000s, political regimes began to reconsider their strategies regarding social and ideological control, gradually moving away from the traditional roles of clerics. Nevertheless, some major political powers saw in extremist religious groups a more effective and profitable tool, and thus initiated their employment to serve new colonial objectives in a modern guise—more violent and bloody than their predecessors.

Al-Qaeda emerged as a prominent example of using religious groups for colonial purposes under the guise of terrorism. It was exploited to justify military interventions and achieve political and economic gains. This experience proved “successful” from the perspective of global powers, prompting them to replicate and refine the model by creating and funding similar groups that served the same purposes under different names and through evolving strategies.

In the years that followed, this method of exploitation evolved further, extending beyond groups to individuals, who were “recycled” and transferred from one organization to another depending on the needs of political projects. Abu Mohammad al-Julani stands out as a key example of this approach; he moved between al-Qaeda and ISIS before establishing his own faction, which operated under multiple names and missions—marking a qualitative shift in the mechanisms of terrorist employment. It became evident that his project was not random but rather part of a calculated political and security investment orchestrated by regional and international powers.

With increasing technological advancement and security exposure in several states, the ambitions of these organizations expanded beyond armed activity to controlling vast geographic areas and transforming them into alternative political entities. In this context, Syria, due to its geographic location and complex political history, appeared to be the ideal target for such projects. It is a pivotal country in terms of geopolitics and regional influence, bordering chronic conflict zones, and suffering from political and social fragility for over a century.

However, the success of such projects does not necessarily imply control over their outcomes. Legitimate questions arise regarding the ability of major powers to contain the terrorist explosion resulting from such ideological pretexts, particularly amid the deep intellectual distortion that has taken root in certain societies. Is Syria a country that can be subdued as easily as Afghanistan, Chechnya, or some Central Asian and African states? Is Europe immune to the repercussions of this terrorist expansion? And what is the political and humanitarian cost that major powers might pay as a result of this geopolitical gamble?

Conclusion:

The terrorist experiment that has been developed and invested in over the past two decades—particularly in Syria, Libya, Iraq, Israel, Palestine, and others—represents an unprecedented phase of politicizing religion and mentally and psychologically rigging societies. What began as a temporary security pretext has turned into a cross-border ideological project that threatens regional and global stability and imposes complex challenges on both states and peoples.

The political exploitation of extremist groups—whether through organizations or individuals—has ceased to be merely a means to achieve short-term gains. It has become a double-edged weapon that could turn against its creators at any moment. If this pattern of exploitation continues without being met with radical stances, it forewarns the reproduction of destruction in even more lethal forms.

In light of this complex and dangerous reality, there is an urgent need to adopt a comprehensive approach based on a set of essential political and intellectual recommendations, most notably:

• Rebuilding a moderate religious discourse grounded in a realistic understanding of sacred texts, promoting pluralism and dialogue, and protecting younger generations from ideological exploitation.
• Activating sustainable development and social justice in conflict-affected areas through economic programs that rebuild societies and reduce poverty and deprivation gaps, which form fertile ground for extremism.
• Dismantling the media and ideological platforms of terrorist groups that engage in electronic recruitment and doctrinal manipulation, while promoting alternative media that exposes extremist discourse and presents an enlightened vision.
• Reviewing contradictory international policies that have contributed to the creation of an environment conducive to terrorism through short-term alliances with armed groups, without regard for long-term consequences.
• Launching national reconciliation and transitional justice processes in affected countries to restore trust between the state and society and ensure accountability for those involved in bloodshed, away from the logic of collective revenge.
• Strengthening international and regional cooperation to combat terrorism in its financial, intellectual, and organizational dimensions through binding agreements and effective coordination mechanisms.

The battle against extremism is not merely a security confrontation; it is a battle on the levels of thought, economy, politics, and culture. While some powers have succeeded in employing terrorism for immediate interests, they now face historical obligations requiring them to reconsider their strategies—before paying a heavy price in security and stability.

Saad Al Halabi is a novelist, poet, and writer of short stories. He participates in cultural and literary initiatives, including Literally Peace and Tafakur Forum. He is also a regular contributor to The Samos Chronicles.