“These divisions, which the colonial powers have always exploited the better to dominate us, have played an important role – and are still playing that role – in the suicide of Africa”

 – Patrice Eméry Lumumba, former President of the Democratic Republic of Congo, in his African Unity and National Independence Speech of 1959.

Within the first three months of 2023, more than 31,000 cases of gender-based sexual violence were reported in the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC). Congo has seen over 30 years of conflict, stemming back to the days of the ‘Congo Free State’ under Belgian King Leopold II from 1885 to 1908. Rarely mentioned were the horrific acts committed against women and young girls the under his reign, some of which included high numbers of rape, sexual torture, and sexual slavery. These trends of gender-based sexual violence are still evident in Congo today as it has been labeled one of the most dangerous countries for a woman to live in. As more recently discussed, sexual slavery has historically been used to gain power through the satisfaction of sexual desires, which was mainly introduced by the imposing of patriarchal Western systems on African states. Failure to delve deeper into these historical links will continue to have a negative impact on the future of women and young girls, as evidenced by the current state of these vulnerable groups’ safety in Congo.

Under the leadership of General Joseph-Désiré Mobutu, the First Congo War (1996-1997) set the pace for escalating tensions and oppression of women. During this war, millions of Hutus from Rwanda took refuge in the North and South Kivu provinces during the Rwandan Genocide. This led to the invasion of Congo by Rwanda using Congo-based Tutsi militias to root out Hutu extremist rebel groups that they felt threatened their security. Following right after was the Second Congo War (1998-2003) under Laurent Kabila and eventually his son, Joseph Kabila. Initially, Laurent Kabila was supported by Rwanda and Uganda to exile and seize power from Mobutu. This was until he decided to remove all foreign presence from Congo after gaining power, instigating other surrounding countries (Angola, Namibia, Zambia, and Burundi) to become involved and eventually leading up to his assassination.

Presently, it has been argued that Rwanda has been involved in the resurfacing and prevalence of the March 23 Movement (M23), a force made up primarily of ethnic Tutsis. Back in 2013, the UN Organization Stabilization Mission (MONUSCO) supported the DRC in an offensive attempt to defeat the M23, which was successful. However, with its return in 2022 as well as the increasing presence of the Allied Democratic Forces (ADF), an Islamic State-affiliated militant group, hope for an improving situation in the DRC continues to diminish. This is seen from the withdrawal of MONUSCO as well as the East African Community (EAC) troops in late 2023 following a governmental order for these groups to leave. The removal of these groups was supported primarily by Ituri residents, with more than half opposing their presence in 2022 following reports of extrajudicial killings of anti-MONUSCO protestors by Congolese security forces.

Combined with the issues surrounding the dangerous mining of ‘conflict minerals’ - tin, tungsten, tantalum, cobalt, copper, and gold - and the prevalence of armed groups, women and young girls are living in perpetual environmental, mental, and physical danger. Women account for at least 60% of the Internally Displaced Peoples (IDPs). Because of this, along with a lack of representation in places of power, their grievances often go unheard. Such is even worse in a society where heavily patriarchal systems exist as it allows for sexual violence to thrive, especially when women are labeled as ‘useless’ or ‘dirty’ after being raped. This demonstrates how rape is more than just a ‘weapon of war’; it is a continuation of colonialist tactics that have become ingrained in social systems, resulting in weak institutions exacerbated by corrupt leadership.

The implication of these factors can be seen through the lengths women to care for themselves and their families. They engage in “transactional sex,” which is when women perform sexual acts for resources, because of the few options they have otherwise. Such acts occur because women and young girls are often left abandoned or responsible to take on a majority of duties for their families, rendering them psychologically and physically vulnerable to all forms of manipulation. Young girls are also forced into unwanted marriages or pregnancies, especially in mining camps, which are heavily dominated by men who have left their wives behind for work. This could explain that a majority of women have faced sexual violence from their own intimate partners or even neighbors, demonstrating again the fact that this issue is heavily ingrained within society, not only in conflicts.

With so much conflict internationally, the DRC continues to fall down the line of importance. This explains the lack of funding directed towards the country because as of 2023, Congo still needs almost 70% more of what it currently receives. It is evident that there is a slight gap between those in power and those with lived experiences. This divide highlights the urgency for further advocacy for women’s empowerment initiatives and the integration of feminist perspectives in global as well as local policy decisions. With that comes an urgent need to fully understand the ramifications of Congo’s colonial and presidential past in order to improve the lives of its people. Only through local and collective action can we close these gaps, change social behaviors and perceptions of sexual violence, and truly empower Congolese women and young girls.

Imani Kerre-Mongi is a Sophomore at American University (SIS)